By Leilani Corpus
Published January 1, 1989
CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA (FR) – President Ronald Reagan delivered his last speech on foreign policy to approximately 1,000 students and faculty in December at the University of Virginia’s rotunda. The university was selected as the proper site for the speech, President Reagan said, because its founder Thomas Jefferson had a presidency which paralleled his own in many ways.
“We have seen the growth of a Jeffersonian-like populism that rejects the burden placed on the people by excessive regulation and taxation … that judgeships should be used to further privately held beliefs not yet approved by the people, and, finally, … the notion that foreign policy must reflect only the rarefied concerns of Washington rather than the common sense of a people who can frequently see far more plainly dangers to their freedom and to our national well-being.”
On Soviet relations, Reagan explained that considerable progress has been made since the Cold War of the Carter years, and that General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev was different from Nikita Kruschev and Leonid Brezhnev. However, Reagan warned “… it could not have happened if the West had not maintained, indeed strengthened, its will, and its commitment to world freedom. So there was nothing inevitable about all of this.
“And this is the heart of my point: What happens in the next few years – whether all this progress is continued or ended – this is in large part up to us. It is why now more than ever we must not falter.” Soviet relations were marked by “sterility and confrontation,” he said, but now are “characterized by realistic, candid dialogue.” However, “all of it is also still in doubt. And the only way to make it last and grow and become permanent is to remember: we are not there yet.”
In negotiating treaties, he advised, “Trust but verify. It means keeping our military strong. It means remembering no treaty is better than a bad treaty. It means remembering the accords of Moscow and Washington summits followed many years of standing firm on our principles and our interests and those of our allies.”
Reagan criticized congressional attempts to control foreign policy development. “We see it in the attempt to manage complex issues of foreign policy by the blunt instrument of legislation – such as unduly restrictive intelligence oversight, limits on arms transfers, and earmarking of 95 percent of our foreign assistance – denying a president the ability to respond flexibly to rapidly changing conditions.”
The adversarial relationship between the White House and Congress in implementing foreign policy, such as in Central America, has “faltered (foreign policy) and our common purposes have not been achieved. Congress’ on-again, off-again indecisiveness on resisting Sandinista tyranny and aggression has left Central America a region of continuing danger.”
Reagan stated that his most significant accomplishments were the strengthening of the military and the economy. “When I took office, half of our military planes could not fly for lack of parts and about half of our ships were in port for lack of crew. My desire was to re-establish our military strength and a patriotism in which a soldier would be proud to wear his uniform. We now have more high-school graduates in the military than ever before, and this is a volunteer service.”
Although college students registered the lowest turnout in the 1984 election, President Reagan noted that the 18 to 24-year-old age bracket were the “most definite supporters of the things we’ve been doing the last eight years.” A student asked for his advice since he was “the only president we know or care to remember.”
Reagan responded, “Go to the polls and make your voice heard. It is your world. You have to take the reins of government.” He added that if he could lobby the audience, he would push for a line-item veto and balanced budget. However, he stated that he plans to spend his time after the inauguration on the fundraising dinner circuit, mobilizing support for such issues.
- by Robert Cushing and Leilani Corpus
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“When the lives of the unborn are snuffed out, they often feel pain, pain that is long and agonizing.” – President Ronald Reagan to National Religious Broadcasters Convention, January 1981
Ronald Reagan became convinced of this as a result of watching The Silent Scream – a movie he considered so powerful and convicting that he screened it at the White House.
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God’s Law and Society powerfully presents a comprehensive worldview based upon the ethical system found in the Law of God.
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Just what is Calvinism?
Does this teaching make man a deterministic robot and God the author of sin? What about free will? If the church accepts Calvinism, won’t evangelism be stifled, perhaps even extinguished? How can we balance God’s sovereignty and man’s responsibility? What are the differences between historic Calvinism and hyper-Calvinism? Why did men like Augustine, Luther, Calvin, Spurgeon, Whitefield, Edwards and a host of renowned Protestant evangelists embrace the teaching of predestination and election and deny free will theology?
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Revival, Resistance, Reformation, Revolution
An Introduction to the Doctrines of Interposition and Nullification
In 1776, a short time after the Declaration of Independence was adopted, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams and Benjamin Franklin were assigned to design an official seal for the United States of America. Their proposed motto was Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God. America owes its existence to centuries of Christian political philosophy. Our nation provided a model for liberty copied by nations the world over.
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A Reasonable Response to Christian Postmodernism
Includes a response to the book Christian Jihad by Colonel V. Doner
The title of this book is a misnomer. In reality, I am not trying to get anyone to shut up, but rather to provoke a discussion. This book is a warning about the philosophy of “Christian postmodernism” and the threat that it poses not only to Christian orthodoxy, but to the peace and prosperity our culture as well. The purpose is to equip the reader with some basic principles that can be used to refute their arguments.
Part 1 is a response to some of the recent writings by Frank Schaeffer, the son of the late Francis Schaeffer. This was originally written as a defense against Frank’s attacks on pro-life street activism – a movement that his father helped bring into being through his books, A Christian Manifesto, How Should We Then Live? and Whatever Happened to the Human Race? These works have impacted literally hundreds of thousands of Christian activists.
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