By Jay Rogers
Published April 1, 1996
Russian Federation Faces Crucial Decision
Meet The Candidates
Russian presidential elections are scheduled to be held on June 16, 1996. President Boris Yeltsin was elected on June 12, 1991, and his 5-year term began the day of his inauguration, July 10, 1991.
Registration of initiative groups and electoral blocs nominating presidential candidates ended on March 2, 1996. Candidates will have until April 15, 1996, to register with the Central Electoral Commission. Under the law on presidential elections, candidates must collect at least 1,000,000 signatures, with no more than 70,000 signatures from any one region of the Russian Federation.
Unless one of the candidates captures more than 50% of the vote in the first round, there will be a runoff. (At least 50% of the people registered to vote must show up in order for the elections to be valid.) In the runoff, the voters will have to choose between the two top candidates, and whoever gets more votes than the other candidate, wins. The winner’s presidential term will be 4 years.
As of February 20, 1996, 46 candidates were nominated by initiative groups and electoral blocs. The top presidential candidates in alphabetical order are: Alexander Lebed, Grigory Yavlinsky; Boris Yeltsin; Vladimir Zhirinovsky; Gennady Zyuganov. The following is an analysis of each of the top five candidates, one of which will undoubtedly win the presidency.
Lt. Gen. Alexander Ivanovich Lebed (ret.) traded his military uniform for a politician’s suit on May 30th, 1995, resigning his position as the commander of the 14th Russian Army based in Moldova. By the beginning of the summer, he was one of the most popular politicians in Russia. He is a charismatic figure whose dry wit and brusque, no-nonsense style sets him apart from most of the familiar faces of Moscow’s political elite. Lebed is now running for election to the Duma from a district in Tula, where he commanded an airborne division from 1988-1991. He is also the second candidate on the Congress of Russian Communities’ national party list. The 45-year-old Lebed gained a spot in the Duma after the December elections, and became a competitor in the 1996 presidential race. One widely cited poll from last July showed that if Lebed and Yeltsin faced each other in a runoff, Lebed would garner 38% of the vote and Yeltsin only 8%. But, as potential Russian voters became more familiar with him, his popularity fell to less than 10%.
Lebed has participated in most of the former Soviet Union’s and Russia’s military conflicts for the last fifteen years. He fought in Afghanistan in 1981-82. During the 1991 coup, Lebed was sent with his troops from Tula to occupy Moscow. He helped to prevent an attack on Yeltsin’s headquarters in the White House of Russia, although he later claimed that he did not take sides during the conflict, and would have carried out a direct order to take the White House. In the confrontation between Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet in September-October 1993, Lebed rejected appeals for help from both camps, declaring that the military should remain neutral in such situations.
Many voters see Lebed as an honest and effective patriot who can stop the collapse of the government while curbing crime and corruption. Lebed also appeals to Russian voters as an outsider who is not responsible for the mess made by the Moscow elite. In another bizarre twist of the campaign, Lebed has joined the leftist Popular Power, the Duma faction led by former USSR Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov.
Yavlinsky was born on April 10th, 1952 in the Western Ukrainian city of Lvov, into a family of a Russian army officer and a chemistry lecturer. Between 1976 and 1989, Yavlinsky occupied a number of research and managerial positions at the Institute of Coal Industry Management, the Research Institute of Labour, and the USSR State Committee for Labour and Social Issues. He is married with two sons.
The star of Grigory Alexeyevich Yavlinsky rapidly ascended in July 1990, when Boris Yeltsin appointed him deputy chairman of the RSFSR Council of Ministers and the chairman of the State Commission of the RSFSR for Economic Reform. Yavlinsky thus found himself in a position to try to launch his “500 Days” plan, which was the first openly declared economic reform program in Soviet history. However, Yavlinsky’s project fell foul of the political standoff between Yeltsin and Gorbachev, at the head of the Russian Federation and USSR respectively. Yavlinsky resigned on October 17th, 1990. That was a still bigger sensation: a deputy prime minister voluntarily stepped down because there was no chance to implement his ideas! Anything of this kind was unheard of in the Soviet corridors of power.
In 1991, Yavlinsky put together an ambitious reform plan with Graham Allison of Harvard University, the “Grand Bargain,” which posited Western aid in return for Moscow implementing radical market reform. However, this attempt also ended in failure, when the USSR quietly died in December 1991.
Yavlinsky is usually counted among the proponents of market-oriented economy. A highly qualified economist, Yavlinsky is also a skillful polemicist who has a refined sense of humour and a remarkable talent to strengthen his arguments by vivid metaphors. Having lived through a series of failures, he became, perhaps, less charming and more rigid in his style, but he is undoubtedly a charismatic leader. His charisma is based on his image of an “honest and decent” politician who heads a democratic opposition to a pseudo-democratic regime. He has emphasised a direct link between the economic reform and the development of a “new federalism” for Russia. In his view, Russia should be revived “from below,” by the way of horizontal integration of regions whose economies are interdependent. Economic coordination with the former Soviet Republics has also been part of Yavlinsky’s platform.
The economic reforms conducted by the government of President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin are seen by many Russians as having had serious negative consequences. Crime has increased beyond all expectations and organized crime is now a serious obstacle on the way of economic recovery. The Gross National Product has fallen rapidly, unemployment has risen several times. Living standards of most Russians plummeted, and one-third of the population now lives below the poverty line set at about $60 per month. In the meanwhile, in a sign of disparity unknown under communists, 10% of the adult population earn 28% of the money.
In January, 1996, Yeltsin launched an unpopular massive military operation in which surface-to-air missiles and artillery were used to resolve a hostage crisis. Yeltsin said that he hoped the Chechen war would be concluded before the presidential elections. He asserted that he could not just pull the troops out, because in the case of Afghanistan, once the troops were withdrawn, “civil war flared up with new force.”
In 1995, President Yeltsin suffered two heart attacks. Despite health problems and low ratings, Boris Yeltsin officially announced on February 15, 1996 that he will seek a second term. The president said that he did not want to leave office when the future of reform still hangs in the balance.
Zhirinovsky was born in 1946, in the city of Alma-Ata. He started his political career in 1988, and went on to become a founder of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. The stunning success of the LDPR in the December 1993 parliamentary elections lifted its leader to international fame. Zhirinovsky’s success astonished both Russian and Western observers. The scale of the victory was staggering.
The LDPR’s “unique uncorrupted status” among Russia’s political parties remains a constant theme in Zhirinovsky’s speeches. His outburst during a Duma delegation visit to Kaliningrad was typical: “Everyone is corrupt, everyone is linked to foreign intelligence services, mafias and so on. I am the only one clean.” When the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia nominated Vladimir Zhirinovsky, he asked President Yeltsin to napalm all Chechen rebel bases and promised to do so himself by July 1st if elected. He also said the LDPR was the true winner of the Duma elections, since the victory of the Communist Party was only its “swan song.”
Gennady Zyuganov was born in the village of Mymrino, Orel region, in 1944. In 1990, Zyuganov played an active part in creation of the RSFSR Communist Party. He demonstrated his skills of an organizer by restoring the Communist Party from scratch and winning competition among the leftist movements. In December 1995, the Communist Party won 22.30% of the party list vote and 34.89% of the Duma seats (157). Their faction is the largest in the new Duma. According to Zyuganov, as in October 1917, Russia stands at a crossroads, facing an unpopular war, the absence of fair land reform, ethnic conflicts, and inadequate state regulation of the economy.
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Is there a connection between pagan religion and the abortion industry?
This powerful presentation traces the biblical roots of child sacrifice and then delves into the social, political and cultural fall-out that this sin against God and crime against humanity has produced in our beleaguered society.
Conceived as a sequel and update to the 1988 classic, The Massacre of Innocence, the new title, The Abortion Matrix, is entirely fitting. It not only references abortion’s specific target – the sacred matrix where human beings are formed in the womb in the very image of God, but it also implies the existence of a conspiracy, a matrix of seemingly disparate forces that are driving this holocaust.
The occult activity surrounding the abortion industry is exposed with numerous examples. But are these just aberrations, bizarre yet anomalous examples of abortionists who just happen to have ties to modern day witchcraft? Or is this representative of something deeper, more sinister and even endemic to the entire abortion movement?
As the allusion to the film of over a decade ago suggests, the viewer may learn that things are not always as they appear to be. The Abortion Matrix reveals the reality of child-killing and strikes the proper moral chord to move hearts to fulfill the biblical responsibility to rescue those unjustly sentenced to death and to speak for those who cannot speak for themselves (Proverbs 24:11,12; 31:8,9).
Speakers include: George Grant, Peter Hammond, RC Sproul Jr., Paul Jehle, Lou Engle, Rusty Thomas, Flip Benham, Janet Porter and many more.
Ten parts, over three hours of instruction!
Running Time: 195 minutes
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High Quality Paperback — 200 pages
A Reasonable Response to Christian Postmodernism
Includes a response to the book Christian Jihad by Colonel V. Doner
The title of this book is a misnomer. In reality, I am not trying to get anyone to shut up, but rather to provoke a discussion. This book is a warning about the philosophy of “Christian postmodernism” and the threat that it poses not only to Christian orthodoxy, but to the peace and prosperity our culture as well. The purpose is to equip the reader with some basic principles that can be used to refute their arguments.
Part 1 is a response to some of the recent writings by Frank Schaeffer, the son of the late Francis Schaeffer. This was originally written as a defense against Frank’s attacks on pro-life street activism – a movement that his father helped bring into being through his books, A Christian Manifesto, How Should We Then Live? and Whatever Happened to the Human Race? These works have impacted literally hundreds of thousands of Christian activists.
Part 2 is a response to Colonel Doner and his book, Christian Jihad: Neo-Fundamentalists and the Polarization of America. Doner was one of the key architects of the Christian Right that emerged in the 1980s, who now represents the disillusionment and defection many Christian activists experienced in the 1990s and 2000s. There is still great hope for America to be reformed according to biblical principles. As a new generation is emerging, it is important to recognize the mistakes that Christian activists have made in the past even while holding to a vision for the future.
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Who is the Real Jesus?
Ever since the dawn of modern rationalism, skeptics have sought to use textual criticism, archeology and historical reconstructions to uncover the “historical Jesus” — a wise teacher who said many wonderful things, but fulfilled no prophecies, performed no miracles and certainly did not rise from the dead in triumph over sin.
Over the past 100 years, however, startling discoveries in biblical archeology and scholarship have all but vanquished the faulty assumptions of these doubting modernists. Regrettably, these discoveries have often been ignored by the skeptics as well as by the popular media. As a result, the liberal view still holds sway in universities and impacts the culture and even much of the church.
The Real Jesus explodes the myths of these critics and the movies, books and television programs that have popularized their views. Presented in ten parts — perfect for individual, family and classroom study — viewers will be challenged to go deeper in their knowledge of Christ in order to be able to defend their faith and present the truth to a skeptical modern world – that the Jesus of the Gospels is the Jesus of history — “the same yesterday, today and forever” (Hebrews 13:8). He is the real Jesus.
Speakers include: George Grant, Ted Baehr, Stephen Mansfield, Raymond Ortlund, Phil Kayser, David Lutzweiler, Jay Grimstead, J.P. Holding, and Eric Holmberg.
Ten parts, over two hours of instruction!
Running Time: 130 minutes
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With “preaching to the lost” being such a basic foundation of Christianity, why do many in the church seem to be apathetic on this issue of preaching in highways and byways of towns and cities?
Is it biblical to stand in the public places of the world and proclaim the gospel, regardless if people want to hear it or not?
Does the Bible really call church pastors, leaders and evangelists to proclaim the gospel in the public square as part of obedience to the Great Commission, or is public preaching something that is outdated and not applicable for our day and age?
These any many other questions are answered in this documentary.
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“When the lives of the unborn are snuffed out, they often feel pain, pain that is long and agonizing.” – President Ronald Reagan to National Religious Broadcasters Convention, January 1981
Ronald Reagan became convinced of this as a result of watching The Silent Scream – a movie he considered so powerful and convicting that he screened it at the White House.
The modern technology of real-time ultrasound now reveals the actual responses of a 12-week old fetus to being aborted. As the unborn child attempts to escape the abortionist’s suction curette, her motions can be seen to become desperately agitated and her heart rate doubles. Her mouth opens – as if to scream – but no sound can come out. Her scream doesn’t have to remain silent, however … not if you will become her voice. This newly re-mastered version features eight language tracks and two bonus videos.
“… a high technology “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” arousing public opinion just as Harriet Beecher Stowe’s 1852 antislavery novel ignited the abolitionist movement.” – Sen. Gordon Humphrey, Time Magazine
Languages: English, Spanish, French, South Korean, Chinese, Russian, Portuguese, Japanese
Running Time: 28 minutes
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